Tuesday, 20 February 2018

Abolish cars

Class/gender/race, and physical space

Oppression and hierarchy in this world usually revolve around class, gender and race; rich people having more power and status than poor people, men over women, white people over people of colour, and so on.

A key component of all this is space. Physical space. A person or group’s superior power and status is often seen through their superior access to and control over physical spaces. The people who are lower down the hierarchy often can’t access spaces, or have no power within them. Some examples:

    •    Class: virtually everyone who lives in an urban area, anywhere in the world, lives in a place that corresponds to their class. Where human beings are allowed to live is dictated by their wealth - the space you inhabit and live in is determined by class. Class oppression means inequality in residential spaces: wealth inequality means most city dwellers in the world have to live in areas with limited clean running water, limited or non-existent sewage systems, limited electricity. In many cities, middle and upper-middle-class suburbs have ‘gated communities’ and armed security to keep the working class out of their living spaces. In the UK, as the Industrial Revolution went on, cities were increasingly designed to make sure the richest inhabitants lived as a far away from the inner-city working-class slums as they could. This is where ‘suburbs’ comes from. Class oppression is closely linked to space in the city: what spaces the working class are allowed to access, and crucially, what they’re not.
    •    You could even say the organisation of wealth in this world is around space. The wealthy Western countries create elaborate systems of border control to stop people from the poor countries in the Global South to enter. Wealth is about access to space, with with those from the rich countries able to move freely due to their passports, but also capital able to move freely between countries whilst workers from the Global South are subject to border controls.
   
    •    Gender: women are often excluded from public space. In most cities around the world, women are virtually invisible on the streets; public space is for men. In Western cities where women are out in public, they frequently get harassed by men, in a sexual way. The purpose of this harassment is for those men to exert power, but this is to do with space: street harassment is men telling women that they don’t belong in public space, that men control the public space. Hence the men’s ability to confidently harass the women in public.

    •    Race: the most obvious examples are apartheid South Africa and Jim Crow in the American Deep South. The racial hierarchy in those societies was organised around whites having open access to public space, while black people were banned from it. (As well segregated cities, another key aspect of apartheid was black people being banned from entering the cities entirely, unless they complied with a strict permit system. The whites decided to give black people permission to enter the space of the city; the hierarchy operated through space).
Apartheid is an extreme example, but there are many others. In 21st century Britain, white men often attack mosques, usually with vandalism but sometimes with full scale arson. For them, this is an attempt to control space: in their own words their motivation is to ‘take their country (or city) back’. These white men feel they are in a battle with Muslim men for control of space in their city. The way the whites try to express their perceived racial superiority is through trying to assert control of public space in their city, by trying to assert control over Muslim spaces - the space of the perceived inferior group. Attacking the mosques show that the Muslim spaces are not safe from white control. Racism operates through control of space.

There’s more to say about gender. Masculinity and masculine power are very closely linked to space. The violent masculinity around gang culture has always been about the gangs controlling space and ‘territory’, attacking people from other gangs who come into the space that they supposedly control. Whilst that’s an extreme example, more normal ‘professional’ middle-class masculinity revolves around space, with hierarchy within companies often symbolised by the powerful men having their own office, their own bathroom, and/or working on a higher floor within the building.
These attitudes are learnt during childhood. When children play in the park, the boys are playing in a way where they occupy the maximum amount of physical space, often by running around. In contrast the girls are stood in a corner amongst themselves, occupying the least amount of physical space possible. Men’s access to space is socialised early, as a way for men to be socialised into their superior role within a hierarchical society.


This post is going to talk about one specific public space: roads. Roads are obviously important, with millions of people spending hours on them every day. And it’s in this seemingly mundane space, used for the daily commute, that we can see how a hierarchical and often brutal society operates.


Roads, cars and masculinity

What’s the relationship between roads as a space and masculinity? One of the main spaces men try to assert control over is the roads. But first let’s look at how driving a car itself has an important link with masculinity and power for many men.

For many men, getting a car is a symbol of masculine independence and power. It means being your own man who can go where he wants when he wants, instead of relying on others (getting a lift, public transport, etc). Margaret Thatcher said that 'A man who, beyond the age of 26, finds himself on a bus can count himself as a failure'. While that quote is about her hostility to public transport in some ways, it’s also about what it is to be a man - she chose the word ‘man’ instead of ‘person’. A man, as he grows up and become a real man, becomes independent, shown by how he uses a car instead of public transport.

A more successful and powerful man, within capitalist society, can afford to buy a better car. Driving a flash car symbolises status and power. Men who buy flash cars do so because they want to show off their masculine and sexual power, so that’s why you get men calling flash cars things like ‘pussy magnet’. The car symbolises their masculine power, which they think will attract straight women. Most male drivers don’t own a flash car, but most about it: that’s why Top Gear is so popular. When they watch Top Gear and its white-straight-man-stereotype presenter Jeremy Clarkson, men indulge in the fantasy of heterosexual masculine power symbolised by driving a flash car. (Clarkson’s popularity remained amongst these men despite - or maybe because of - him punching a worker in the face for not giving him a steak quick enough…)


Clarkson’s violence is the logical conclusion. Masculinity is often performed through aggression and we see this in the way men drive. Surveys have shown men honk their horns three times more quickly than women when drivers in front don’t move on a green light. Additionally, “whereas women have more crashes based on [concentration] slips or lapses, men’s crashes are due to driving violations that tend to be more deliberate and risky - speeding, non-seat belt use and drinking.”

And of course, this behaviour is linked to space. Quoting again from the linked article: “Peter Marsh and Peter Collett, authors of Driving Passion: The Psychology of the Car consider ‘territorial imperative’ and the aggressive defensive behavior associated with it as an answer. They suggest that the car is often the first symbol of independent ownership for a young man – his home turf, and when ‘invaded’ by tailgating or perceived aggressive behaviors, he responds aggressively with territorial defense”.

So masculine urges to control space take place on the roads. More on this later.


Capitalism and the urge to compete with other people

It’s not just masculinity that makes men aggressive on the road though. It’s also capitalist society - in other words, the way our society is organised and the place of roads within that. Roads are mostly used by people getting to work or working themselves (e.g. deliveries). Getting to work or doing delivery work is all based on time. You have to get to where you’re going on time. Our society wouldn’t function if people stopped caring about being on time. The time pressure is everywhere in capitalist society. This means most people driving cars on a given day are feeling time pressure. The stress makes people aggressive.

Those people are driving to work by themselves, not taking public transport. Travelling by yourself, in your own space (your own car), creates an individualism. You’re not travelling with the other drivers, you’re not working together with them. You’re against them: they’re in your way of getting to work as quickly as possible, and this leads to drivers being aggressive to each other. There’s a competition for space, a competition between drivers for space on the roads. This is because of capitalist individualism: everyone is looking out for themselves, everyone is driving for themselves. In such an individualist context, individuals are going to compete with each other instead of cooperate.

I’ve seen this loads of times I’ve rode in a car. Drivers are ridiculously competitive and aggressive with each other. A former colleague of mine was one of the nicest people I’ve met. He was extremely generous, friendly, and made subtle but very real and effective efforts to ensure that everyone in the office got on well with each other. I think he was one of the reasons our office had no nasty workplace politics. But as soon as he got into a car, he turned into a horrible person. I got a lift with him home daily (he lived on the road next to mine), and everyday he would get extremely irritated with other drivers in a way that was totally out of character. He even swore about them, when he never swore at all at work. Driving wise he’d try to cut up other drivers and pull into their space all the time.

It was all unlike him personality wise, but the way we act isn’t only because of our personality. Our actions are based on our environment: what we can and can’t do, what we’re expected to do, what’s appropriate to do, etc, in whatever environment we’re in. The fact his personality was nice and cooperative is irrelevant: the environment he found himself in, on the road, meant that he had to be competitive with others.


Violence on the roads

So what does this all lead to? Violence.

Motorists on the commute are operating within a competitive environment, a dog-eat-dog capitalist individualism that pits them against each other. Then, add to this men engaging in a masculinity competition to see which man can be most powerful and control the most space. The result is what’s usually known as 'road rage'. Let’s have a look (this video has a really funny ending if you haven’t seen it already):


The above is extreme, but the very fact the motorist felt like he could act like that in the first place is revealing. He doesn’t hesitate for a second to say things like the highway code tells drivers to “knock you c*nts over” (i.e. kill people who ride bikes). He then - again, with no hesitation - makes a death threat (“put me on where you like and I’ll f*cking kill you”). This shows how normal it is for motorists to feel and express such violent aggression towards cyclists. Or, in other words, to express violent aggression towards other men who they think they are competing with for control of space, for control of the roads.

I myself have had an incident like this. Cycling back to work at lunchtime (I lived close-by), I was going down North Finchley High Road. At the lights a white van, which was previously behind me, stopped next to me at the lights and the driver said “what the f*ck are you doing you stupid c*nt!?”. I had no idea what he was referring to. My only guess is that I was cycling in front of him before we stopped, but this couldn’t have caused him too much of a problem - this high street road had enough traffic on it that if I wasn’t in front of him, he wouldn’t really have been able to go any faster. He continued to shout abuse, calling me a c*nt about twenty times. I asked him again and again what his problem was - trying to point the mirror, to make him see his anger was his own problem and nothing to do with me. It didn’t seem to work; he kept saying the problem was me because of how much of a f*cking c*nt I apparently was.

In both of those examples we see this wild, uncontrollable rage from male motorists. Where is this anger, this intensity, coming from? It has to come from these men feeling like their power, their identity as men is being denied from them. As men they are supposed to control space, and so are supposed to control the roads. When cyclists stop them from doing that, even in the most minor way, their reaction is desperate rage. The man who abused me had a thick South African/Afrikaans accent. White men from South Africa are used to having control of space, given apartheid and all. He feels entitled to control space, entitled to control the roads. He feels so entitled that when he can’t have his control, he loses it. He loses control of himself, because he feels like he’s not in control of anything.


Violent male fantasies

Just like Top Gear and the men who fantasise about strengthening their masculinity by owning a flash car, on the internet (especially YouTube), we see men fantasising about violence against cyclists. Like the fantasies about the flash car, the fantasies of violence are another attempt by them to feel masculine power.

These fantasies aren’t hard to find. You’ll see them in comments in lots of places, especially when cyclists are involved. Below are some taken from the YouTube video above.




These kind of comments show the rage the motorists feel in the car but cannot express, stuck in their little individual box. It is a futile rage, directed as much at their own miserable lives as it is at cyclists. It’s a rage at being stuck in the car, stuck in a boring and joyless 9-to-6, commuting and working so much just to survive and exist without really living. This lack of power they feel in their lives, due to capitalism, means they don’t experience the power they feel entitled to, that they expect, as white men. Feeling that they’re being denied what they’re entitled to is a big part of the rage.

Wanting to feel the masculine power they feel entitled to is why they fantasise about killing other people (cyclists). This isn’t like fantasising about murdering other people, though;  these are not serial killers. Smashing though cyclists represents a fantasy of having power, of having control over the road, over space, of being able to fulfil their masculine power. The power society tells them that, as men, they should have, yet also denies them by forcing them sit in a little box in traffic for hours every day on the way to their mediocre office job. As a result they try to assert their masculinity in these fantasies, seen especially in language like “beta male” and “soft lad”.



In the above comments (same video), we can also see that it’s about a masculine competition for space, as articulated by the people themselves.


What’s the solution?

There’s a power imbalance between motorists and cyclists. Motorists are infinitely more powerful than cyclists, because, if a cyclist hits their vehicle, they will come out more or less completely unscathed, whilst when a vehicle hits a cyclist, the cyclist is likely to die or be seriously injured. Cars dominate the road in terms of physical space. They also dominate the road by using the fact that they can kill you. Even if motorists are not aggressive, the layout of the roads in most places (I.e. not the Netherlands or Scandinavia) means cyclists will always feel intimidated or unsafe travelling alongside cars.

Given motorists are in the driving seat, why are they so angry at the cyclists? Why do motorists feel like cyclists are inflicting such hardship when motorists are so much more powerful? Well because as explained, male motorists feel entitled to full control of space as part off their masculine identity. So any infringement on that by cyclists is enough to provoke the kind of rage described in the previous section.

But it’s also worth noting that people in power often act victimised and hateful towards the powerless. The most racist societies, in terms of segregation of space and disparities in living standards, are Australia, South Africa, Israel, and the USA. I sometimes wonder what motivates the whites in these countries to be so racist and hateful. Why do they hate black people so much, given their living standards are so much higher, they have far more social and political power, and so on? It makes sense to hate people you feel injustice from, people who have oppressed you. But in those countries the whites feel such hatred towards people who they are not oppressed by at all.

The reason for the hate is because those are colonial societies. The successful colonisers, the whites, have to feel hatred against the indigenous, usually black, people, because they are in a contest with them for control of space. Whilst the contest for the control of space is effectively over in those places (except maybe in Israel), the racism continues - no doubt to justify the colonisers’ conquest of the space, to justify their control of it, to justify their regime of oppression.

The powerful will continue to hate so long as they feel they’re engaged in some kind of contest. Applying this to the roads, drivers will continue to hate and be violent towards cyclists, and each other, so long as they feel they’re engaged in a contest. So the solution must be ending this contest, this competition, in some way.


Different approaches to ending the competition

How do we do that? I have no perfect solution, but here are some ideas:

    •    The nice, smooth approach: Create proper cycle lanes that completely separate cyclists from motorists. You can see these working in countries like the Netherlands or Scandinavia. The problem with this is the roads there were built like that. In the UK they weren’t. Changing them would take masses of time and money, disruption, etc. Also this wouldn’t solve the issue of drivers being aggressive to each other, and the more fundamental cause: men feeling like they should control space and control the roads.

    •    The confrontational approach: Cyclists fight to take back control of the roads. I got this idea from Critical Mass. It’s basically a mix between a bike ride and a protest. Hundreds of cyclists all cycle together through the central parts of the city, blocking off traffic in the process. The response from the motorists is predictably hostile, and sometimes violent, with some getting out of their cars to punch the cyclists taking part in the Mass. Not surprising: these men feel entitled to control space, to control roads, and thus will use violence against others to achieve that control, to take control of the roads away from cyclists.
        Being part of the Mass gives you the thrill of taking the power back, of reclaiming the streets. It gives you a feeling of empowerment when cycling instead of the usual wariness and fear. It gives you the brilliant feeling of being a part of something meaningful with others, part of a mass. There’s also an real creativity and beauty on the Mass, in contrast to the robotic and grey world of the motorist. People taking part in the Mass know they’re trying to create an alternative to the soulless and mechanical world of cars, and so people bring sound systems, weird modifications to their bikes, do bike tricks, among other things. 


        This is still effectively just a protest though. As great as it is, it’s not a long-term solution. But it gives us an idea of a long-term solution: the beauty of roads without cars. And that leads onto the next approach…

    •    The Stalinist approach. This would be to ban cars. Bikes take up far less space on the roads. Cars are an illogical and irrational way to divide up space on the roads. Cars, when not used for long-distance travel, contribute enormously to pollution and global warming, which will ultimately destroy our existing society, and in the process, make cars redundant. And cycling is exercise and makes people healthier.


The point here is not to say cycling is a better choice than driving, a better option for getting about. The point here is that a combination of capitalist time-pressure and individualism, and patriarchal masculinity, creates a system where men, through driving cars, feel the need to be aggressive and try to dominate space on the roads. They have created a power struggle against cyclists, pedestrians, and each other. It's in this situation that we, as a society, need to acknowledge the destructive effect of cars on people. Then we can think of some sort of solution or ideal setup.

Saturday, 21 November 2015

The horror of the November 2015 Paris attacks

This is the best thing I've read about the Paris attacks. Extremely critical.



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I'm so sick of seeing the endless debate about "if you care about Paris you don't care about Beirut/Metrojet/now Nigeria" et cetera. The reality is this: Paris, like any American city, is in the first-world protected zone.

Ever since WWII the overall consensus strategy on the part of everyone in the ruling elite of the global North, from the most far-right capitalist to the most left-wing Politburo member, has been to export conflict from the North into all kinds of global peripheries. We EXPECT to see violence in Beirut because we put it there. Our security states protect us from the blowback of whatever neocolonialist policies we might care to pursue on those peripheries. So what if we fail at nation-building? We'll never have to "fight them over here," not really. (The attached map, although badly out of date, expresses some of this concept.)

So of course when there's a terrorist attack in a core northern city like Paris or New York we're shocked, bereaved, and upset. We've lived our whole lives in a bubble in which violence is always declining and foreign-policy issues are remote and academic. The faux-leftist argument that we should feel equally sad about people dying in Beirut is hollow and hypocritical because it substitutes moral righteousness for actually asking WHY it is that we feel so shocked.

If someone told you that 129 people were killed in car accidents in Paris the other day, you'd shrug your shoulders. In fact millions of people die every day and you don't give a shit. Everyone dies. But those concrete deaths represent a brief puncturing of the bubble of security that surrounds us and makes our lives as we know them possible. It accomplishes what the terrorists want us to believe: that this bubble is a sham, as much propaganda and hubris as reality.

The solution isn't pretending like you're oh so distraught when a bus full of Russians or Bangladeshis falls off a cliff. It's pursuing a politics in which Western elites--that's the people who govern us--have to take responsibility for the violence they displace onto other people. And that means acknowledging that the bubble they've created was created ON OUR BEHALF.

Wednesday, 3 September 2014

'Intersectionality' is all the rage

This is something I wrote almost a year ago when the debate about 'intersectionality' was seemingly everywhere. While I don't think I am the voice on intersectional feminism, I do think there are some points to be made about its critics, which I do below. For some reading on intersectionality, I've posted a few links at the end. I've also posted an essay I wrote for uni, at the very end, which I wrote for a module around the time the intersectionality debate was raging - I think this influenced my perspective when writing it.

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Recently the concept of intersectionality (the intersection of oppressions, or the idea that not all are exploited equally and/or in the same way), has come under a lot of flak. No doubt part of this is because some of its main proponents, lots of them on Twitter, are very annoying and very clique-y. But the concept is good, and its critics are mostly bad.

From what I've seen, the vast majority of its critics are white men who are usually sexist and hostile to feminism, and this is their main reason for criticising the concept - despite the theory they use to make it look like a purely intellectual, objective issue. Definitely a part of this is that many are obsessed with having 'better politics' than others (individuals or groups), and with this leftist politics frequently gets reduced to a masculinity contest - which men are superior. When intersectionality comes along, their only response is not to engage with it, but immediately shoot it down in order to maintain that their politics are the best. They also wildly exaggerate the popularity/influence of intersectionality, probably a reflection of their own anxiety about challenges to their views.

An interesting thing is that the people who criticise intersectionality the most are people that do little or no political activity themselves (they say class is the most important thing, but are usually absent from the class struggle, favouring endless meetings and conferences which go nowhere). Maybe this is because, again, for them, leftism is first and foremost about having better opinions than other people. This is why they sit at the computer criticising people rather than getting involved in campaigns; why they have endless meeting and conferences where they continuously reaffirm the supremacy of their ideas to each other*, without actually doing anything in the real world. People who disagree with intersectionality but are very politically active in the real world don't seem to have the time or energy to keep criticising it on the internet.

*see this article for an example of this, it's both hilarious and pathetic

One of intersectionality's critics, Mark Fisher, wrote a piece that was very popular. This is a good response. It focuses on Fisher personally, which as I've implied above, is relevant to understanding these people's 'critiques' of intersectionality. A more theoretical piece on intersectionality's critics is here. It makes the brilliant and vital point that intersectionality's critics aren't talking about identity vs. class (or individuality vs. universality), as they claim, but are merely talking about which identity gets privileged - for them, it is the white working-class man who is the political subject. 

There are some critiques of the concept that are worth reading, because they don't start from a position of blind, automatic rejection. This one is good. It does however feel more like a response to liberals in the US (who use intersectionality as a buzz-word rather than using it a radical concept), and repeats the bizarre line that intersectionality essentialises identities (the act of criticising oppression seeks to challenge the very identities which that oppression is based on; it doesn't essentialise them…). The theory of divisions of labour is relevant, even if it's probably not as all-encompassing as the author seems to believe. 

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Some good links on intersectionality:

https://www.sendspace.com/file/a751y1 (this is a link to an academic article written by a historian. The part on the race riots after World War 1 - only about 5 pages long (pp.34-39) - is absolutely fantastic and well worth reading, as well as being relevant to intersectionality)


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Essay time...

In what sense, if any, can Claudia Jones be described as 'left of Karl Marx' (Carole Boyce Davies)?

The 'traditional' Marxism, upon which Claudia Jones expanded, may be defined as believing in the predominance of class relations in society. By privileging the working class as the subject of revolution, traditional Marxism often concerns itself with merely a fraction of the working class - the industrial section, who are predominantly white and male (in Western societies). Jones, incorporating race and gender into Marxism's theoretical framework, thus may be seen as expanding narrow definitions of the revolutionary subject, encompassing the entire working class, and specifically black women who are the most exploited by capitalism.

Jones' prominent position in the American Communist Party (CP) is perhaps why her voice was louder than other black left women1: as a predominantly white male space, society would listen to the CP's voice far more that than that of black women. This is a political issue itself for Jones: from her critique of black women being triply exploited as workers, women and blacks, there arises the necessity of black women's mobilisation for 'heightened political consciousness',2 and the necessity of black women being elevated to leadership in the struggle against the interlinked systems of capitalism, sexism, racism and imperialism.3
Jones' arguments were not unique to her. They were part of a longer history of black left women, and many parts of 'An end to the neglect of the Problems of the Negro woman!' ('An end…') resembled Louise Thompson Patterson's 1936 essay 'toward a brighter dawn'.4 Nevertheless, Jones' work was perhaps the first theorisiation of these issues so systematically, for example in 'An end…',5 which this essay will analyse.

Despite her position in the CP, Jones has generally been excluded in the historiography of Marxism and the black radical tradition (for example, in his extensive work 'Black Marxism', Cedrik Robinson barely mentions Jones). A number of reasons have been proposed: the targeting of black radicals by the authorities made it a matter of practical survival for black intellectuals not to talk of people like Jones6; black nationalism has often been hostile to Marxism; the atmosphere of Cold War anti-communist repression extended after the 1950s. These factors combined to make the more mainstream civil rights movement the subject of study for black radicalism.7

On the other hand, Marxists' ignorance of Jones is best explained by their indifference to her ideas, especially her feminism. However, another factor needs mentioning: due to her activism, Jones was more recognisable in the community than the academy8 - she was not part of socially-privileged literary spaces (such as academia) from where most Marxist theory originates. Unlike the Marxism developed by middle-class men, Jones' theories were developed by her personal experience of exploitation. For Jones, the material reality of, for example, her mother dying while working in a factory, likely due to overwork, informed her theories about the 'superexploitation' of black women.9 When the Great Depression hit and Jones had to leave school and find work, the discrimination she faced made her determined to understand 'the suffering of my people and of my class and look for a way forward to end them', in her words.10

This essay will analyse Jones' work in the context of Marxist theory, and will do so through exploring different aspects of her thinking: issues of class, race, gender, capitalism and imperialism, which all intersect.

Jones developed a theory of gender rooted in the ideology of domesticity.11 She claimed domestic ideology was advocated to stop women's 'progressive social participation'. This was linked to capitalism, as 'monopoly capitalism' and the popular culture it produced disseminated domestic ideology. Domestic ideology failed to create class-consciousness among women, something which matched the compulsory evacuation of women from industrial jobs after World War 2. Framing women's oppression in materialist terms, Jones claimed that the bourgeoisie's ideology of domesticity taught that women had no value outside of the home; domestic work had no productive value in the industrial economy. Women's role in society was to be reduced to (unpaid) reproductive labour, or reproducing workers for capitalism: for Jones, 'the position of women in society…derives from woman's relation to the mode of production'.12
Jones demonstrated this historical and materialist understanding of gender when she argued that the shift in the mode of production from slavery to capitalism changed African-American gender relations.13 The destruction of communal-based housing and the shift to a more nuclear family unit placed 'the Negro man in a position of authority in relation to his family'.14 As these gender relations went on to influence the class position and labour-exploitation of working-class black women in their position as domestic servants (see below), this materialist understanding of gender is a logical addition to Marxist analysis of class and the exploitation of labour.

While the oppression of women was due to sexism and capitalism, race was also relevant, as for Jones, 'the superexploitation and oppression of Negro women tends to depress the standards of all women'.15 In 'An end…', Jones explains the oppression of black women from a materialist perspective, based around the superexploitation of their labour.16 This superexploitation is due to black women being relegated to domestic service, which is caused by the gendered and racial oppression black women face. White, patriarchal, bourgeois society has excluded black women from domesticity and defined the black woman's social role as the 'traditional 'mammy' who puts the care of children and families of others [whites] above her own'.17 This is the traditional stereotype of the Negro slave mother, whose purpose is to 'perpetuate the white chauvinist ideology that Negro women are…the 'natural slaves' of others'.18 Jones identified that unlike white male workers, black women workers have (far) more of their labour surplus extracted from them, hence they are far more exploited.19
Jones' purpose in 'An end…' was, as the title suggests, to make the CP expand Marxism to include race and gender. This was especially the case as the invisibility of black women workers, not working in the industrial economy as 'proletarians', meant that it was easy for the (white male) left to ignore their exploitation20 (this invisibility also contributed to their superexploitation, as they could be exempted from existing labour legislation)21.
Jones talks of the sexism and racism black women face in material and dialectical terms: black women's super-exploited class position as a domestic worker allows her to be seen as inferior: 'the…relegation of the Negro woman to domestic work has helped to perpetuate…the chauvinism directed against all Negro women’.22 The dialectic is that this chauvinism in turn continues the degradation and superexploitation of black women through their labour, and so forth.

A dialectical-materialist analysis of black women is not the only way Jones developed Marxism, however. The superexploitation of black women is relevant to Marxism, class-consciousness and unity, as it is concerns divisions within the working class as a whole. By privileging class in its theoretical framework,23 traditional Marxism has the tendency to homogenise the working class. Jones, in her analysis of the superexploitation of black women, instead acknowledged the real, material differences within the working class, and the accompanying ideological systems of sexism and racism. This is essential to Marxism, as gendered and racial differences within the working class do inhibit its unity and the development of collective consciousness needed to overturn divisions of human beings into different groups.24 Rather than analysis of differences in the working class being used to preclude class unity however, Jones called for the communist movement to fight racism and sexism in and of themselves, thus encouraging the elimination of divisions within the working class and preparing the conditions for truly egalitarian, socialist society.
More specifically, in 'An end…', Jones claims that 'the Negro women, who combines in her status the worker, the Negro and the woman, is the vital link to this heightened political consciousness'.25 This implies that if the weakest and most oppressed sections of the working class can mobilise, then gendered and racial divides can be overcome, and the working class as a whole will be empowered, achieving 'heightened political consciousness'. Jones attacks the bourgeois ideology of the 'battle of the sexes'26: domesticity is used to divide the (white) working class by reducing the class-consciousness of women and denying them full social participation,27 while the ideology is also used to divide the black working class, by claiming black men have 'the main responsibility for the oppression of Negro women'.28 As racism and sexism, embodied in the position of black women as domestic workers, divides the working class as a whole, 'the fight for full economic, political and social equality of the Negro woman is in the vital self-interest of white workers, [and] in the vital interest of the fight to realise equality for all women'.29

Jones sought to frame racism within a Marxist framework, through the concept of imperialism. This is in the context of black Marxist approaches to racism: W.E.B DuBois, for example, explored this in 1939 when he claimed: 'the proletariat of the world consists…overwhelmingly of the…workers of Asia, Africa, [etc]…It is the rise of these people that is the rise of the world'.30 American leftists had a history of neglecting the anti-racist struggle, insisting racism was merely a tool of capital, rather than an entire structure that needed to be overturned.31 CP member Earl Browder privileged class-consciousness over questions of race and gender identity, claiming African-Americans were part of the wider, exploited working class rather than constituting a separate, oppressed class. Jones attacked Browder's ideas, speaking of the CP's 'understanding of the Negro Question as a national question, that is, as the question of a nation oppressed by American imperialism': imperialism was central to the oppression of African Americans.32

For Jones however, anti-imperialism was not merely a race issue. Fellow Caribbean Marxist CLR James, who was also politically active in America and Britain, would often place working-class internationalism at the center of his Marxism.33 Jones linked local struggles of blacks and women against racism and sexism to international struggles against colonialism and imperialism, linked in interactions in which the geopolitical operations of capital were central.34 In 'An end…' she claims 'once Negro women take action, the whole militancy…of the anti-imperialist coalition, is enhanced'.35 The implication of this, in light of her wider analysis of society, is that if gendered and racial divisions in the working class can be overcome, through black women's participation and leadership in the communist movement, then the working class as a whole can be empowered to challenge imperialism and capitalism as a whole.36
Jones claimed that because the systems of sexism, racism, capitalism and imperialism all interlink, the militancy of black women is a threat to the authorities, and something which the communist movement should harness.37 These claims were perhaps reified with her deportation on the grounds that she was a security risk.38 Jones' deportation is part of a general history of US authorities fear of black women's militancy: for example, the Chicago police department said black labour organiser Lucy Parsons 'is more to be feared than a thousand rioters'.39

There is debate as to whether Jones was primarily concerned with workers' rights or (proto-) black feminism.40 For Jones, these political positions and oppressions are so interlinked that they cannot be separated. However, it is within a Marxist framework that she interlinks them: Jones believed that only a socialist uprising 'would liberate the masses of the oppressed from class, race and gender oppression'.41 Rather than gender and race being subordinate the primary issue of class, as the vast majority of Marxists will readily claim, Jones' Marxism can be said to develop Marx's theories to their logical conclusion. 
For Marx, capitalism was a system that functioned through divisions of labour, and the development of hierarchy through these divisions.42 The oppression of the working class is based on them being at the bottom of the hierarchy of the division of labour. Jones' theories develop this, as her linking of class, race and gender shows that it is useful for capitalism to make its divisions of labour on gendered and racial lines. If pre-existing structures of difference (racial, sexual, etc) are used as the 'logic' of divisions of labour, divisions of labour (and their concomitant hierarchy) are accepted, as gradually a society internalises these differences as not merely coincidental assignments of labour, but as supposedly inherent characteristics of their particular gender, ethnic group, etc. Divisions of labour, and thus capitalism, are naturalised.43
In bringing gender and race into Marxism, and specifically addressing the liberation of black women, Jones sought to destabilise the 'natural' race and gender hierarchies within capitalist society's overall divisions of labour. Through this, as well as expanding the revolutionary subject to the entire working class, Jones developed Marxist theory.


Notes

1. C. B. Davies, Left of Karl Marx, Durham NC, Duke University Press, 2008, p.33
2. C. Jones,  'An end to the neglect of the Problems of the Negro woman!', http://blackfeministmind.files.wordpress.com/2009/03/claudiajones.pdf, p.120
3. Ibid.; C. B. Davies, 'Left of…', pp.50-51
4. E. McDuffie, Sojourning for freedom, London, Duke University Press, 2011, p.170
5. Ibid., p.168
6. C. B. Davies, 'Sisters outside: tracing the Caribbean/black radical intellectual tradition' in Small Axe, no.28, 13:1, 2009, p.220
7. Ibid., p.221
8. Ibid., p.224
9. D. Lynn, 'Women and the Black Radical Tradition: Claudia Jones and Ella Baker', Binghampton Journal of History, 2002, http://www2.binghamton.edu/history/resources/journal-of-history/woman-blk-trad.html
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid.
12. Quoted in C. B. Davies, 'Left of…', p.40
13. E. McDuffie, p.169
14. Quoted in Ibid., p.169
15. Quoted in C. Jones, p.117
16. Ibid., pp.110-111
17. Quoted in Ibid., p.111
18. Quoted in Ibid., p.112
19. C. B. Davies, 'Left of…', p.43
20. A. Davis, Women, race and class, New York, Random House, 1981, p.164
21. C. B. Davies, 'Left of…', p.44
22. Quoted in C. Jones, p.116
23. See, for just one example, the first line of K. Marx and F. Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ 
24. Class unity being inhibited by gender and race is almost universal: see S. Rose, Limited Livelihoods for gender inhibiting class unity in 19th England, or the Rand Rebellion in South Africa
25. Quoted in C. Jones, p.120
26. C. Jones, p.118
27. D. Lynn
28. Quoted in C. Jones, p.118
29. Jones in 'We seek full equality for women', quoted in C. B. Davies, 'Left of…', pp.39-40
30. Quoted in A. Hancock, ‘Du Bois, Race and Diversity’ in S. Zamir, The Cambridge Companion to W.E.B. Du Bois, Cambridge, CUP, 2008, pp.97-98
31. G. Fredrickson, Black Liberation, Oxford, OUP, 1995, pp.184-185
32. D. Lynn
33. D. Benn, The Caribbean: an intellectual history 1774-2003, Kingston, Ian Randle Publishers, 2004, pp.157-158
34. C. B. Davies, 'Left of…', p.60
35. Quoted in C. Jones, p.108
36. C. B. Davies, 'Left of…', pp.50-51
37. C. Jones, pp.122-123
38. E. McDuffie, p.171
39. A. Davis, p.153
40. C. B. Davies, 'Left of…', p.34
41. D. Lynn
42. Sycorax, 'Race, gender or class, the eternal(ly) annoying question, http://shesamarxist.wordpress.com/2011/03/23/race-gender-or-class-the-eternal-ly-annoying-question/
43. Ibid.


Bibliography

- K. Marx and F. Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ ; accessed 05/10/13
- S. Rose, Limited Livelihoods: gender and class in nineteenth-century England, Berkeley, University of California Press
- Sycorax, 'Race, gender or class, the eternal(ly) annoying question, http://shesamarxist.wordpress.com/2011/03/23/race-gender-or-class-the-eternal-ly-annoying-question/ ; accessed 05/10/13
- G. Fredrickson, Black Liberation, Oxford, OUP, 1995
- D. Benn, The Caribbean: an intellectual history 1774-2003, Kingston, Ian Randle Publishers, 2004
- A. Hancock, ‘Du Bois, Race and Diversity’ in S. Zamir, The Cambridge Companion to W.E.B. Du Bois, Cambridge, CUP, 2008, pp.86-101
- C. Robinson, Black Marxism: the making of the black radical tradition, London, Zed Press, 1983

- C. Jones,  'An end to the neglect of the Problems of the Negro woman!', http://blackfeministmind.files.wordpress.com/2009/03/claudiajones.pdf ; accessed 07/10/13
- C. B. Davies, Left of Karl Marx, Durham NC, Duke University Press, 2008
- C. B. Davies, 'Sisters outside: tracing the Caribbean/black radical intellectual tradition' in Small Axe, no.28, 13:1, 2009, pp.217-229
- D. Lynn, 'Women and the Black Radical Tradition: Claudia Jones and Ella Baker', Binghampton Journal of History, 2002, http://www2.binghamton.edu/history/resources/journal-of-history/woman-blk-trad.html ; accessed 27/10/13
- A. Davis, Women, race and class, New York, Random House, 1981
- E. McDuffie, Sojourning for freedom: Black women, American communism, and the making of black left feminism, London, Duke University Press, 2011